From 1840 to 1936, there seems to be only Greek Catholic people. Is that possible? Or does it mean that we don't have anymore the records of the Roman Catholic and Jewish persons? What would be the reason?

As to the mixed population, this is also quite interesting. Is there any possible way to know to which religious path they belonged?

I also have one kind of "linguistic" question. I heard that "Fijalka" was the feminine form of "Fijalek" and that men normally bear the second version of the name. So if we stick to this information, in my case, the family name remained "Fijalka" because they were recorded by people who did not speak Polish, so they would have kept the Femine form of the name.

I was wondering if there was some cultural background or history attached to each family name.

Bogdan is old, not that sure about Bohdan.

In August new Swedish forces arrived and together they marched on Warsaw. At Piatek (2 September 1655) a Computed and levy force was defeated. With the main Royal army in the Ukraine the King retreated to Krakow. Warsaw was taken without a shot and it's substantial arsenal fell into Swedish hands. Charles continued to Krakow and defeated Jan Kazimierz's mainly mounted forces at Zarnow (16 September 1655), though King Jan was successful in withdrawing his forces with relatively small losses.

I've had interest in the story from an agent and an editor.

Unless you prefer to be known as 'Boletus from Polish Forums'

I'm hunting information on the siege of Krakow, specifically related to Stefan Czarnieki

It started on 25 September 1655 and ended on 13 October 1655. Capitulation was signed 4 days later. Polish troops marched out the city on 19 October.

the Swedish invasion (1655-1660)

Boletus, you made my day. I read that book just a while ago! :-). Hillarious!

Poles eating borsch and living their capitalist decadent lifes

Wel,l if Yugoslavian government didn`t have to prevent immigration out of
country perhapse they lived not to bad?..

allow Poles to eat borsch when stupid Russians do all the job and after to remove
all the troops from Poland and allow them to live their decadent capitalist lifes.

But those are numbers, not names. But I`m not going to argue about any numbers.I have no doubts that ultranationalism could get horrible at times.

I do not read Polish well enough to do work reading all of it, and I do not argue that everything writen there is holy truth, but if I no
make mistake it contains only dozens of some Ukrainian names who according to author saved Poles.

But what I would be glad to see is NAME by NAME list of those many tens of thousand Poles who where kiled.Wikipedia states that such list suppose to exist.It would be perfect also if this list I mentioned has reference to government research team.

Also I would be glad to know when grieving relatives or Polish government opened the first memorial to all those innocent victims.

PAP: - Is the Ukrainian society aware of the size of the crimes committed by the UPA on Poles in Volhynia?

Jaroslaw Hrycak: - No, there is no such awareness. There are two reasons for this. First, half of Ukrainians do not know anything about the events in Volhynia. These are the data from the surveys of 2003, carried out during the discussion that took place on this time in Poland and Ukraine. It turned out that virtually no one in the east and south of Ukraine, and to a large extent in the center of the country, knew of the past events there.

This shows the level of amnesia in the Ukrainian society. Those who know what it was, keep in their mind the heroic image of the UPA. In this picture there is no place for the UPA as a party that could commit murders, which could be to blame. and it is - let's call it - a great story. In this great story there are little stories in which nobody talks about the UPA actions against the Poles, Jews, or even Ukrainians with different political views.

PAP: - Are Ukrainian historians in agreement with the Polish estimates of the number of victims?

JH: - Most disagree - believing that these estimates are exaggerated. Serious historians believe that there is no chance, no need to compare the number of victims, since there were a lot more of them on the Polish than on the Ukrainian side. However, there is skepticism about the scientific "inflation" of the Polish estimates, which - I stress it here - has nothing to do with the evaluation of the phenomenon itself.

PAP: - Is it possible to have the joint Polish-Ukrainian memory for that period?

JH - I think it's possible, but it is a matter of action. There are groups on both sides who aim at reconciliation. There was some motion in this direction in 2003. There was a symbolic reconciliation in Volhynia with Polish and Ukrainian presidents, Aleksander Kwasniewski and Leonid Kuchma, attending. But the problem was that it was a reconciliation with the participation of heads of state, not society. Journalists wrote about "The reconciliation behind the cordons of the militia". Behind these cordons stood the people who were against reconciliation, believing that it was degrading.

Today, I see even less chance that our government will deal with this, as a politics of remembrance was passed on Dmytry Tabacznyk, an education minister, who is openly pro-Russian. In his case pro-Russian means anti-Polish, which he does not hide. Therefore, I think that we cannot expect anything from the Ukrainian authorities, and this means that the burden of reconciliation lies with society. I remember sharp discussions about Eaglets Cemetery in Lviv, when it seemed that no agreement would ever happen, but in fact it occurred. It has become so, inter alia, through the involvement of the churches in this matter, which resulted in an ecumenical prayer on Eaglets Cemetery and at the graves of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen in Lviv.

Now we are preparing something similar in order to commemorate the events in Volhynia, and events in Chełm (about demolishing the Orthodox churches in the 30s of the twentieth century - PAP). We, meaning a group of Ukrainian and Polish public activists. We want to make a symbolic act in these matters. I once again recall Madeleine Albright's known words that reconciliation is like riding a bike; as soon as you stop pedalling you fall to the ground. We must always try to strive for reconciliation. Reconciliation should be a matter of society. I think it's about time for it.

PAP: - How can you explain the deep divisions in Ukrainian society regarding evaluation of the UPA ?

JH: - In theory, information about the UPA was never to be public knowledge, because that was a fundamental policy line of the Soviet Union. There was no talk about UPA, because just mentioning the name of the UPA was then treated as a hidden propaganda of UPA. The same attitude was directed towards hetman Ivan Mazepa or historian and politician Mykhailo Hrushevsky. Those were forbidden topics. In western Ukraine, the memory of the UPA survived because it was part of the family history. It's hard to imagine any inhabitant of Galicia, and Volhynia, which would not be involved in this story one way way or another. Everyone had a brother, uncle or father who was in the UPA and such stories are passed down the family line.

It is also important to know that many people suffered for the real, or imagined by the Soviet authorities, cooperation with the UPA. Many were persecuted by the NKVD, many were sent to Siberia. Dimensions of this phenomenon is difficult to assess, although historians have agreed that in 1946-47 there was virtually no adult male in western Ukraine, who would not be suspected by the NKVD of involvement in the UPA. These family stories only now are coming to light. Another part of the story was developed in the Ukrainian diaspora communities in the West. These stories were written down mostly by UPA members who - of course - created a heroic picture of the formation.

PAP: - However, not everyone in Ukraine have a positive attitude towards the UPA?

JH: - The strongly negative attitude towards UPA has that part of society which is guided by the Soviet version of history, but I would like to emphasize that in this version there is no place for Poland. It is interesting that the Soviet propaganda never used the events in Volhynia as an instrument of struggle against the UPA, or the memory of the UPA. This part of Ukrainian society, declaring the Soviet version of history, considers UPA fighters as bandits, because in their opinion the UPA fought against the Soviet Union, and therefore collaborated with the enemy.

Another argument is that the UPA were the nationalists. The nationalism in eastern and southern Ukraine, is one of the worst words. Just as in western Ukraine there is a negative way of thinking about the communists, in the east and south people think similarly about the nationalists. According to them UPA acted not only against the USSR, but was also in favor of the separation of Ukraine from Russia, which for many people in the East, who work for rapprochement with Russia, is not acceptable. Personal memories have also some impact on how UPA is being received.

After World War II, in order to strengthen the Soviet power in western Ukraine, agitators were sent there, including young women teachers from the east and south of Ukraine. Some of them remained there, however, there were accidents when they were warned by the UPA against such activities, or they were even murdered. To sum up: the east of Ukraine believes that the UPA was "a stab in the back" during the struggle between the USSR and Germany. But I repeat once again: Poland is not present in these stories. Poland is present only in this part of the myth, which relates to western Ukraine, but not in connection with Vohlynia, but with the interwar period, in which Poles oppressed Ukrainians, therefore Ukrainians had the right to oppose them.

PAP: What are the views the Ukrainian youth on the UPA ?

JH: The general trend is that the sharp division between the east and west of Ukraine is blurred among youth. How deep is this division is still under discussion. It is no secret that the children and grandchildren of those who fought on opposite sides of the barricades in 1944 or 1945, often got married. I know such cases, even in my own family. Secondly, for the young people this is only a story that does not cause strong emotions. Research shows that this so-called "generation y", who lives in a global world, with access to the media, to a large extent is more asocial than its predecessors and therefore more ahistorical.

Here is a quote of Boletus

In the same time there is no reference for this statement. If they are known by their names there should exist NAME by NAME list of victims.Was it ever published in Internet? If yes, could I get link to it? Or at least there is mention in Internet that this list was ever published in writen form?
If yes, where exactly?

To be honest: I couldn't care less whether Poland is Central or Eastern Europe.

So maybe Poles will call them ``Ruthenian Insergent Army`` istead?

In Canada, after the first few months of my stay here I met with almost zoological Ukrainian nationalism, with hatred of all things Polish. Being brought up in the spirit of Ukrainian patriotism, formed by the classical Polish, Ukrainian, Russian, Western European and American literature, I could not agree with such view of the world and the people, therefore, with the full knowledge of that what Bandera people did to the Polish people of Volhynia, I decided to search for materials on Ukrainian nationalism. This topic has consumed me completely, I have been working on it constantly.

Wiktor Poliszczuk was the author of over 200 papers, books and scientific publications, scientific articles, polemics, reviews, and press releases written in English, Ukrainian and Polish, including five large volumes bearing the title Integral Ukrainian nationalism as a variant of fascism (Toronto, 2003).

I do not understand how mentally normal person could be very concerned with something that was commited 70 years ago by insignificant, mentally troubled part of entire population and believe that those Nazi collaborators represented all Ukrainians.

Do you believe that Ukrainians are genetically predipositioned to kill Poles?Or they are inferior?If not then what is a sense in all those talks?

Try this link - it contains most of the introduction, which should give you a good overview of the book's claims:

In the 17th century, the first influential imports of Polish Renaissance and Baroque literature.

I trust your guidance.

To Boletus - or anyone else that might have information -

The form states that Stanislawa was born in Kalish (Kaliz?) Poland on May 8th, 1889.

(his family in Krasnopol and her family in Kalusz)

From the maps I have examined to see the distance between these families (his family in Krasnopol and her family in Kalusz)

Just because the two nations had a bloody history of wars and occupations doesn't mean they weren't influenced by each other.

Well then, we agree. I guess you're just arguing to argue?

That doesn't mean Polish and Russian writers weren't influenced by each other. Considering they're next door, and have been neighbors for centuries, it would be impossible for no exchange to take place.

That doesn't mean Polish and Russian writers weren't influenced by each other. Considering they're next door, and have been neighbors for centuries, it would be impossible for no exchange to take place.

Start by reading up on Mickiewicz, how he was received in St. Petersburg's literary saloons

In 1823 he was arrested, investigated for his political activities, specifically his membership in the Philomaths society, and in 1824 banished to central Russia.

his Crimean Sonnets, and how Russian writers were in turn influenced by him, and his views of Pushkin, who greatly admired him.

The "trilogy" includes the poems "Before the Sacred Tomb" ("Pered grobnitseiu sviatoi"), "To the Calumniators of Russia" ("Klevetnikam Rossii"), and "The Anniversary of Borodino" ("Borodinskaia godovshchina");...

Friends of Pushkin such as Viazemskii and the Turgenev brothers were horrified by the poem's jingoism. In them Pushkin asserts that Russia is within its rights to crush the romantic resistance of Poles to their fated rulers; the image of all Slavic rivers flowing into the Russian sea in "To the Calumniators of Russia" makes this clear ("slavianskie l′ ruch′i sol′iutsia v russkom more")....

Mickiewicz may have responded to these poems in his poem published in 1833, "To My Muscovite Friends" ("Do Przyjaciół Moskali") in which he reproaches those Russian poets who betrayed their Decembrist brothers in arms by remaining loyal to the tsar and taking payment for praising his victories. Pushkin may in turn have "responded" in his own poem of 1834, "He lived among us..." ("On mezhdu nami zhil") in which he reproaches Mickiewicz for giving in to the unruly crowd (buinaia chern′) of Polish émigrés in Europe.

Pushkin's own comments in letters to friends during the Polish Uprising of 1830-31 contributed to the picture of Mickiewicz as more "hysterical." Pushkin wrote to Sofia Khitrovo in December 1830 that "the love of country, such as it can exist in a Polish soul, has always been a funereal sentiment. Just look at their poet Mickiewicz."This cool assessment of Polish romanticism resonates with Pushkin's comment to Viazemskii in June 1831 about the length of the fighting and Poland's dramatic resistance: "All this is very well in a poetic sense. Nevertheless we must stifle them, and our delay is unbearable."

Still doesn't change the fact that there are no Slavs, outside of the immigrant community, in Paris.

@boletus are you a teacher?

He's the PF Oracle :)

Thank you!
Linda

And one more request, is there anyone who can give me a clue how to pronounce Dziekanczyk? I would hate to be saying wrong! :)

Would any of these names point me towards an origin?