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Posts by boletus  

Joined: 13 Apr 2011 / Male ♂
Last Post: 10 Nov 2012
Threads: Total: 30 / In This Archive: 27
Posts: Total: 1356 / In This Archive: 958
From: Canada, Toronto
Speaks Polish?: yes

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boletus   
11 Nov 2012
Genealogy / Fijalka - born in Izdebki (around 1880) Poland; general history with family names possible? [5]

From 1840 to 1936, there seems to be only Greek Catholic people. Is that possible? Or does it mean that we don't have anymore the records of the Roman Catholic and Jewish persons? What would be the reason?

Please notice that this data came from a Carpato-Rusyn webpage, which by definition is focused on £emkos and Greek-Catholic religion, not on Poles and and Roman-Catholic religion. This is simply a case of missing data, not missing people. :-)

As to the mixed population, this is also quite interesting. Is there any possible way to know to which religious path they belonged?

Generally no, but FijaÅ‚ka "sounds" Polish. :-) The same Carpato-Rusyn webpage lists 27 £emko surnames from Izdebki, cited by Krasovs'kyj from 1787 Austrian Cadastral Records. There is no FijaÅ‚ka among them. But there are only few that do not sound Polish, while the rest could be either Polish or £emko. Worth to examine.

I also have one kind of "linguistic" question. I heard that "Fijalka" was the feminine form of "Fijalek" and that men normally bear the second version of the name. So if we stick to this information, in my case, the family name remained "Fijalka" because they were recorded by people who did not speak Polish, so they would have kept the Femine form of the name.

Yes and no. If the surname was of adjective form, such as Fijalski, than it would indicate a masculine form, while Fijalska would be be a female surname. However, in noun based surnames everything goes and both "Fijalka" and "Fijalek" would serve for both females and males. Nowadays you just say: Pan Fijalka and Pani Fijalka. (Mr. and Mrs.) Until 1950s or so the old fashioned naming was used for women:

Fijalka => a man
Fijalkowa => his wife
Fijalkówna => his daughter

You surname, plus about its 40 variations, come from the word "violet"; in Polish FIO£, FIO£EK (diminutive), old spelling FIJO£, FIJA£, CHWIO£EK (also from chwiać, to rock)

Spelling: Here are two spelling rules worth underlining:
1. Both FIJA- and FIA- come from the same root; the former is an ancient spelling, the latter - the modern one.
2. There are two variations of L used here: a regular L and a so-called dark L (£), a.k.a. L with stroke. People from Kresy (Eastern Borderlands) know how to pronounce the £ properly. Unfortunately most Poles pronounce it as English W, rather than the actual £. Before and shortly after WWII, educated people, especially speakers and actors, etc. knew how to say it properly too.

Here are several groups of related surnames, separated by spellings:
A. Fial, Fiala, Fialik, Fialkowski, Fialski
B. Fiał, Fiała, Fiałek, Fiałka, Fiałkiewicz, Fiałko, Fiałkowicz, Fiałkowski (since 1783, from village Fijałkowo, Ostrołęka county), Fiałków, Fiałowicz, Fiałowski

C. Fijal, Fijala, Fijalik, Fijalkowski (since 1783, from village Fijałkowo, Ostrołęka county), Fijalow, Fijalski
D. Fijał, Fijała, Fijałczuk, Fijałek, Fijałka, Fijałkiewicz, Fijałko, Fijałkowicz, Fijałkowski (since 1783, from village Fijałkowo, Ostrołęka county), Fijałków, Fijałło, Fijało, Fijałowicz, Fijałowski

The "cichociemny" MichaÅ‚ FijaÅ‚ka is spelled with £. "Moi Krewni" program is very sensitive regarding the rules of spelling, since - being based on a German software - it does not make any assumptions regarding Polish linguistic rules. Hence it shows 156 FIJA£KA surnames, but ZERO FIJALKA surnames.

At the moment I cannot say anything definitive about Sopel surname. It could be a £emko (or generally Rusyn) name, considering its concentration at that corner of Poland. Slovakian? I am just guessing: no.
boletus   
10 Nov 2012
Genealogy / Fijalka - born in Izdebki (around 1880) Poland; general history with family names possible? [5]

I was wondering if there was some cultural background or history attached to each family name.

You might be interested to know that an article in Polish Wikipedia about Izdebki
pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Izdebki_(wojew%C3%B3dztwo_podkarpackie)
in the subsection "People connected with Izdebki", lists Michał Fijałka - born in Izdebki, on October 5, 1915, Home Army (AK) officer, cichociemny ("unseen and silent"), military aliases (nom de guerre): Kawa (Coffee), Wieśniak (Peasant), Sokół (Falcon).

Here is the Polish Wikipedia entry for Michał Fijałka
pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Micha%C5%82_Fija%C5%82ka
and here is an explanation of the term Cichociemni in English,
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cichociemni

Fijałka is not a very popular name in Poland (total 156 persons), but there is a strong concentration of this name in Brzozów County (74), which includes Izdebki village.

See: moikrewni.pl/mapa/kompletny/fija%25C5%2582ka.html
On the other hand the surname Sopel is much more popular (1423 total), with the strong concentration of this name in the counties close to Brzozów County: Lubaczów, Przeworsk, Przemyśl, Jarosław. See: moikrewni.pl/mapa/kompletny/sopel.html

The village of Drohobyczka, is located within Przemyśl County, so everything matches very well.

Unfortunately the Geneteka database, geneteka.genealodzy.pl/, comes with zero information on either of these families. But do not be discouraged, as this database is being continuously upgraded by volunteers, who scan various parish books for internet indexing.

The village has had mixed population and religions over the centuries:
Year 1785: 450 Greek Catholics, 750 Roman Catholics, 12 Jews
Year 1840: 486 Greek Catholics
Year 1859: 550 Greek Catholics
Year 1879: 621 Greek Catholics
Year 1899: 946 Greek Catholics
Year 1926: 1150 Greek Catholics
Year 1936: 1003 Greek Catholics, 2350 Roman Catholics, 85 Jews
carpatho-rusyn.org/new/135.htm

I assume that some records from this area can be found in National Archives in Sanok. Unfortunately the 1880 birth books does not seem to be there:

baza.archiwa.gov.pl/sezam/pradziad.php?l=en&miejscowosc=izdebki&gmina=&wojewodztwo_id=0&wyznanie_id=0&rodzajaktu_id=0&search=search

The Roman Catholic birth records cover only the years 1890-1897, 1899-1906.

Nevertheless, you may want to contact them here for further inquiries:

archive: Archiwum Państwowe w Rzeszowie Oddział w Sanoku
38-500 Sanok, ul. Sadowa 32
tel: (13) 463-19-99
fax:
email: apsanok@neostrada.pl
boletus   
10 Nov 2012
Life / Why Radosław, not Czesław? [34]

Bogdan is old, not that sure about Bohdan.

Bohdan is just a phonetic variation of Bogdan in Ukrainian and Belarusian.

Bogdan transliterated from Latin to Cyrillic gives Богдан.
But Г is pronounced H in Ukrainian and Belarusian, while G in Russian.
БОГДАН transliterated back (from Ukrainian and Belarusian) to Latin gives BOHDAN.
boletus   
10 Nov 2012
History / Stefan Czarniecki - Siege of Krakow, Sept - Oct 1655 [5]

Well, the one month truce was imposed on his troops, but I do not know whether it concerned himself. I know that he joined (when?) the King Jan Kazimierz at Głogówek, Silesia (now Opole Voivodship), where he advised the King to announce the all-social-states war against Swedes. He came with this idea after learning about partisan attacks on small Swedish troops involved in robberies and extortion of monetary contributions.

Actually King Jana Kazimierz followed suit and on 30 November 1655 he announced a so-called Opole Proclamation in which he called all Poles to rise against Swedes. The King and the Queen stayed in Głogówek from 1655-10-17 to 1655-12-18.

At the beginning of 1656 Jan Casimir returned to Poland. On December 18, 1655 set out from Opole, then going through Silesia and Slovakia (south side of Tatra Mnts), December 27 he reached Lubowla on Spisz, on December 27. From here he went to Biecz, then through Nowy Żmigrod to Dukla. On January 3, 1656 he reached Krosno.

After King returned from Silesia, Czarniecki was appointed a deputy hetman (regimentarz) and a commander of an independent division of troops.

The next piece of information about Czarniecki is this:
Along with the governor Jerzy Lubomirski of Spisz he led the campaign of 1656. On February 1 his division crossed Vistula over the ice, took Sandomierz and moved on to Puławy. On February 18 Czarniecki suffered a setback at the village Gołąb. The result of that battle caused a change in his tactics; he returned to guerrilla warfare.

He also employed peasant troops, announcing universals and threatening those nobles who would oppose this.

In August new Swedish forces arrived and together they marched on Warsaw. At Piatek (2 September 1655) a Computed and levy force was defeated. With the main Royal army in the Ukraine the King retreated to Krakow. Warsaw was taken without a shot and it's substantial arsenal fell into Swedish hands. Charles continued to Krakow and defeated Jan Kazimierz's mainly mounted forces at Zarnow (16 September 1655), though King Jan was successful in withdrawing his forces with relatively small losses.

jasinski.co.uk/wojna/conflicts/conf06.htm
So I guess Stefan Czeniecki did not fight at Piątek, and came to Kraków directly from Ukraine.

I've had interest in the story from an agent and an editor.

Good for you. :-)

Unless you prefer to be known as 'Boletus from Polish Forums'

That's good enough. :-)
boletus   
9 Nov 2012
History / Stefan Czarniecki - Siege of Krakow, Sept - Oct 1655 [5]

I'm hunting information on the siege of Krakow, specifically related to Stefan Czarnieki

Hi Marlene. Long time :-)
English Wikipedia just says this about Siege of Kraków:

It started on 25 September 1655 and ended on 13 October 1655. Capitulation was signed 4 days later. Polish troops marched out the city on 19 October.

Polish Wikipedia has an article about Carniecki in general here:
pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stefan_Czarniecki
and an article about Siege of Kraków here: pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Obl%C4%99%C5%BCenie_Krakowa_(1655)

There is only one paragraph about the siege mentioned in the former source:

the Swedish invasion (1655-1660)

The following is my translation of the latter:
Preparations for the defense
At the news of the Swedish successes, on 2 August 1655, the mayor of Krakow, Andrzej Cieniowicz urged the residents to the defence and demanded payment of the money to pay for the service of 100 infantry soldiers. The Kraków garrison and the guards were given orders to guard the walls and to keep tighter control of foreigners, especially Germans living in Kraków.

They started repairing the city fortifications; the works were supervised by the city engineer Izydor Affaita and Krzysztof Mieroszewski elected by the nobility. Soon Queen Louise Maria came to the city and gave part of her jewels to cover the cost of the defence works.

On August 27 Bishop Peter Gembicki called on to be faithful to the King and to defend the city. In addition, he put 300 of his private soldiers into defence of the city. The city council has also decided to equip all the citizens.

John Casimir leaves the city
On September 19 Jan Kazimierz, beaten at Żarnów, entered Kraków with several thousand soldiers and militia (pospolite ruszenie). The whole thing was pretty disorganized jumble. The nobility was much demoralized; they were looking for the way out of the trouble and they were deserting the king en mass. The army, confederated in Prądnik, demanded outstanding payments and expressed their disobedience to the Crown Hetman Stanisław Lanckoroński. Kraków had to upkeep all this disorderly throng but it could not count any support from them in the city's defence.

On September 20, a senate council was held, where the king and the senators declared their perseverance in resisting the dangers. Jan Kazimierz was even thinking about staying in the city of Kraków and participating in its defense; however, the senators persuaded him against this idea.

Immediately after the council the Queen was sent to Silesia, care of the Primate Andrzej Leszczyński. At night on September 24 the King also left Kraków, submitting to a general panic of the army and militia - in response to the news of the approaching Swedish army. King went east towards Wojnicz, then by Nowy Wiśnicz to Nowy Sącz towards the border of the Holy Roman Empire. He was accompanied by Bishop Peter Gembicki, which he carried with him the Wawel Cathedral treasury.

The siege
In Krakow, along with troops of Colonel Wolff Fromhold, there remained 2200 regular army troops under the command of Stefan Czarnecki, the Castellan of Kiev. The soldiers were assisted by 2300 citizens of Kraków and students. The defenders had at their disposal 160 guns. Optimistically, King ordered Czarniecki to hold on for just 2-3 weeks before the help comes.

Czarniecki decided to prepare the city defence and ordered to burn the suburbs - Kleparz, Biskupie and Garbary - to deny cover to the Swedish attackers. The army and city infantry were deployed along the city walls. Defenders piled embankments and other fortifications in front of the walls.

Swedes attacked on Sept. 25 and sacked Kazimierz suburb. They even stormed up to Grodzka Gate, but a strong Czarniecki's counterattack forced them to retreat and prevented the seizure of Kraków of the march. At the same time the city was being bombed.

Since the attack on the city failed, Carolus X Gustavus, who had 13-14 thousand soldiers and several dozens guns with him, was forced to start the regular siege and commenced artillery shelling. The King entrusted the siege of Kraków to Arvid Wittenberg, leaving with him 8,000 soldiers. He took the rest of the forces and went against the Crown forces, which he defeated on Oct. 3 at Wojnicz.

Information about the defeat of the crown army, which did not leave any hope for the rescue, reached the defenders of Krakow with subsequent demands for surrender. Few remaining crown troops, which were in the vicinity of Kraków, showed no desire to fight the Swedes. The defenders of the city, however, continued the struggle - withstanding artillery bombardment and fending off new attacks.

When Carolus Gustavus came at Krakow on October 6, and was inspecting the siege works, he almost lost his life when he was shot at from the St. Florian's Gate. His horse was shot dead under him, but he escaped alive. Similarly, the commander of the defenders Stefan Czarnecki often risked his person - trying to cheer up soldiers to fight. Wounded by a a musket bullet in the cheek he nevertheless continued inspection of the defences, riding on horseback.

Czarniecki was trying to play for time, however - being aware of the weak morale among the troops and residents who knew that there was no chance of the rescue - he made capitulation call on October 12. The most interesting fact is that the biggest opponents to the surrender were professors at the Jagiellonian University.

However, Czarniecki realized that further resistance could lead to destruction and starvation of the city; he therefore decided to save the city and those regular troops which he had with him. For this reason, he decided on October 13 to surrender the city.

On October 17 he signed an agreement with the Swedes, which was made up of 11 points: to guarantee the freedom of the Catholic religion, personal safety and property of the Church, officials, nobles and burghers, preservations of existing privileges of the city and the University of KrakOw, and the mutual exchange of prisoners. Crew, military officials and courtiers of Jan Kazimierz were allowed to march out of the city. Under this agreement, Polish troops taking part in the defense of Krakow received winter quarters near Oświęcim, Zator, Sławków, Będzin, Siewierz and Koziegłowy. These forces were to remain neutral until November 18 when they were to decide whether to go back under the command of Jan Kazimierz, or to surrender to Carolus Gustavus.

Capitulation:
On 19 October, Czarniecki - following a review of his forces on the Market Square - marched out of the city at the head of 1,800 soldiers and 12 guns. He was welcomed by the Swedish king in his camp, who prepared a banquet in his honor. Karl Gustav, as a born soldier, honored the bravery of his opponent.

Krakow was staffed by 2.5 thousand of infantry and 500 of cavalry (reiters). The king entered the city in the afternoon and after being greeted by the city council he went to see the Wawel Cathedral. He was guided by Szymon Starowolski.

Almost immediately, an enormous contribution was imposed on the city and its churches; all liturgical vessels were taken from the cathedral. The booty was reportedly worth 5 million zlotys.
boletus   
8 Nov 2012
Language / i don't understand this, "rozmawianO" and "pitO"? [18]

If I may add ..

The structures here supposed to be subjectless. Aside from those related to permissions and prohibitions I can see here several major habitual cases. Here are just three:

Object + predicate + "siÄ™" + …
Åšniadania jada siÄ™ …
Groby myje siÄ™ … . Talerze zmywa siÄ™ … CiaÅ‚o umywa (obmywa) siÄ™ …
RybÄ™ jada siÄ™ …
Kalosze nosi siÄ™ …
Czapki nie nosi siÄ™

Location adverbial + siÄ™ + predicate + ...
Tu siÄ™ pracuje ... (habitual)
Tu siÄ™ zmywa naczynia .... (habitual)

Time adverbial + predicate + siÄ™ + [object]
Latem pÅ‚ywa siÄ™ …
Zimą jeżdzi się (na nartach)
Rankiem jada się śniadania, a wieczorem kolacje.
Teraz myje siÄ™ grób … Teraz zmywa siÄ™ naczynia ...

Formally the last two sequences are not habitual, because of present time "teraz". I am not saying they are wrong. They just sound strange to me. And not because of a connotation of a grave performing the self ablution; obviously "grób" is not a subject but object here. It is just a funny style. As you said - from Bareja movie. :-)
boletus   
8 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Yes, that somebody was Vlad123, 6 posts ago, post 262, November 7, 2012, 19:36, with a little tirade about Stalin and Poles eating borsch and living decadent capitalistic life(s). With strange convoluted logic. Man, save yourself further embarrassment ...
boletus   
8 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Boletus, you made my day. I read that book just a while ago! :-). Hillarious!

Vlad's style seemed vaguely familiar to me but it was not until I saw this excerpt about

Poles eating borsch and living their capitalist decadent lifes

when I realized that Mishka Zubov could be his older brother.

Wel,l if Yugoslavian government didn`t have to prevent immigration out of
country perhapse they lived not to bad?..

But then he sounds now more like a soul wandering the swamps. What was the topic of this thread?
"Kocham pana, panie Sułku" - Eliza
youtube.com/watch?v=lWV9oK2PoSw&feature=relmfu
boletus   
8 Nov 2012
Language / i don't understand this, "rozmawianO" and "pitO"? [18]

Well yes, you are right, but Cinek just made one mistake, out of four examples, and I am sure he would readily admit to it.

For me, the most characteristic factor here is a concept of a habitual action, a.k.a. frequentative aspect. I quoted Jagodziński just in case anyone wants to follow his other examples, not because I disagreed with you.
boletus   
7 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

allow Poles to eat borsch when stupid Russians do all the job and after to remove
all the troops from Poland and allow them to live their decadent capitalist lifes.

Dedicated to Comrade VLAD, Polish Forums, November 7, 2012
Notes of a Red Army officer by Sergiusz Piasecki



Zapiski oficera Armii Czerwonej - czyta Henryk Bista, cz. 1, 34:40



Zapiski oficera Armii Czerwonej - czyta Henryk Bista, cz. 2, 29:30
boletus   
7 Nov 2012
Language / i don't understand this, "rozmawianO" and "pitO"? [18]

^^
Subject-less sentences
grzegorj.w.interia.pl/gram/pl/skladnia02.html

There are about 15 types of sentences in Polish, which have no formal subject. These include:
h. sentences that describe actions or states of an unspecified subject, and also rules or prohibitions, using the 3rd person predicate with the particle "siÄ™".

Mówi się. Do kościoła idzie się pod górę. Tu się pracuje. Rybę je się widelcem. Uprasza się o niepalenie. Zabrania się postoju w tym miejscu. Powinno się uważać na to, co się mówi. Winno się zapobiegać takim wydarzeniom.

The examples below describe habitual actions:

Latem kąpie się w morzu, opala się, je się lody, pływa się w jeziorze, jeździ się na rowerze i chodzi się po górach.

WiosnÄ… zakochuje siÄ™ szybko, spaceruje siÄ™ i nie nosi siÄ™ czapki.
Jesienią zbiera się grzyby i kasztany, nosi się kalosze i słucha się muzyki.
Zimą jeździ się na nartach, rzuca się śnieżkami, zostaje się w domu i świętuje się Boże Narodzenie.

i. sentences that describe actions or states of an unspecified subject with respect to the past, using the predicate containing the impersonal form, ending with -no, -to.

Rozbito szybÄ™. Chorego przewieziono do szpitala.
This case was already discussed above in this thread.
boletus   
7 Nov 2012
Genealogy / Minkin from Poland? [10]

You are on the right trail, I suppose. The database "Moi Krewni" (My Relatives) reports 31 Minkin persons in Poland, with their highest distribution in Wielkopolska (Greater Poland), and specifically: 11 Słupca County, 4 Koło County, 3 Konin County.

During the times of Poland's partitions the border crossing between Prussia and Russia was set between Strzałkowo (Prussia) and nearby Słupca (Russia). In 1915 Prussians build the infamous prisoner of war camp in Strzałkowo, which was also later used by Poland to keep there Soviet Union prisoners (war of 1919-1921) and since 1921 Ukrainian prisoners of war of 1920 with Ukrainian People's Republic. Strzałkowo is being used by Russian propaganda to counter Poland's demands for punishment of those guilty of Katyń massacre. Many POW died in Strzałkowo during typhus epidemic.

That said, SÅ‚upca must have housed some kind of Russian garrison, or at least some army barracks for Russian soldiers manning the border crossing. There is a defunct Orthodox cemetery in SÅ‚upca for Orthodox people settled in SÅ‚upca county in XIX century. At the spot of the former cemetery there is a monument commemorating the dead.

There used to be the Orthodox Church in SÅ‚upca, Poland, erected in 1914, but torn down in 1928, as a symbol of Tsarist / Russian domination. The second picture attached here shows unveiling of a monument on the Main Market in SÅ‚upca in 1926; The Orthodox church is seen on the background.


  • Orthodox monument in S³upca

  • Orthodox church in S³upca, 1926
boletus   
6 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

But those are numbers, not names. But I`m not going to argue about any numbers.I have no doubts that ultranationalism could get horrible at times.

Again, you clearly do not read our messages with comprehension. In the post #237, which I posted today at 16:38, three posts back, in a translated quote from one of the records, taken from that book, the following Ukrainian helpers are mentioned by name:

- Paraska woman - sheltered one Polish girl for a night
- Maciuczka woman - sheltered another Polish girl for a night
- Mychaiło Gidzun - sheltered one of those girls for a month
- Stepan Stolarczuk - saved a three year girl and brought her up as his own
- anonymous Ukrainian couple - provided food and led three persons to safety
- more anonymous people - carted one or two other Poles to safety

What more do you want? More details? The witnesses knew some Ukrainians by name and surname, some others only by given names, many other names escape their memory. They also knew some of the bandits by name, I am sure, because in many cases they were their neighbours.

And the statistics I have shown before mentions a number of 896 Ukrainian savers, known by name. It means that those are names listed somewhere in that book. If you do not believe me, use the index at the back, pickup a random Ukrainian name from there and see to what record it would take you.
boletus   
6 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

I do not read Polish well enough to do work reading all of it, and I do not argue that everything writen there is holy truth, but if I no
make mistake it contains only dozens of some Ukrainian names who according to author saved Poles.

Look, VLAD, the table in the page 20 is based only on this book, not anything else. And this book is very selective - it only lists those events, where some Ukrainians have shown some mercy or help, however small that would be. In other words, it does not list any events where no such help was offered. As such it shows the numbers which are under-estimated more or less 10 times.

So the last entry in that table is a total summary from all 502 villages, in all 7 voivodships from Wolhynia, Eastern Galicia and Western Galicia (Rzeszów and Lublin), mentioned in this book:

Places: 502
Killed: 18 829
Acts of help: 882
Saved: 2 527
Savers: 1 341
Savers known by name: 896
Savers murdered for helping: 384

So no, VLAD, no matter how you read that table it lists way more than only "dozens of some Ukrainian names who according to author saved Poles."

But what I would be glad to see is NAME by NAME list of those many tens of thousand Poles who where kiled.Wikipedia states that such list suppose to exist.It would be perfect also if this list I mentioned has reference to government research team.

I tried to stay away from posting all what I know about all atrocities. I tried to keep it quiet, not to get it inflamed. But you evidently ask for it. So I might as well satisfy your wishes when I find some time.

Also I would be glad to know when grieving relatives or Polish government opened the first memorial to all those innocent victims.

I am not sure I understand you here, but there have been some acts of formal reconciliation, usually on the local level.

But you may want to see an Interview with a Ukrainian historian prof. Jarosław Hrycak with Polish Press Agency (PAP). On October, 14 there was the 70th anniversary of establishment of UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army). This is partially for your education, and partially for ours, because it reflects the attitudes of various groups of Ukrainians, representing views similar to VLAD's here.

PAP: - Is the Ukrainian society aware of the size of the crimes committed by the UPA on Poles in Volhynia?

Jaroslaw Hrycak: - No, there is no such awareness. There are two reasons for this. First, half of Ukrainians do not know anything about the events in Volhynia. These are the data from the surveys of 2003, carried out during the discussion that took place on this time in Poland and Ukraine. It turned out that virtually no one in the east and south of Ukraine, and to a large extent in the center of the country, knew of the past events there.

This shows the level of amnesia in the Ukrainian society. Those who know what it was, keep in their mind the heroic image of the UPA. In this picture there is no place for the UPA as a party that could commit murders, which could be to blame. and it is - let's call it - a great story. In this great story there are little stories in which nobody talks about the UPA actions against the Poles, Jews, or even Ukrainians with different political views.

PAP: - Are Ukrainian historians in agreement with the Polish estimates of the number of victims?

JH: - Most disagree - believing that these estimates are exaggerated. Serious historians believe that there is no chance, no need to compare the number of victims, since there were a lot more of them on the Polish than on the Ukrainian side. However, there is skepticism about the scientific "inflation" of the Polish estimates, which - I stress it here - has nothing to do with the evaluation of the phenomenon itself.

PAP: - Is it possible to have the joint Polish-Ukrainian memory for that period?

JH - I think it's possible, but it is a matter of action. There are groups on both sides who aim at reconciliation. There was some motion in this direction in 2003. There was a symbolic reconciliation in Volhynia with Polish and Ukrainian presidents, Aleksander Kwasniewski and Leonid Kuchma, attending. But the problem was that it was a reconciliation with the participation of heads of state, not society. Journalists wrote about "The reconciliation behind the cordons of the militia". Behind these cordons stood the people who were against reconciliation, believing that it was degrading.

Today, I see even less chance that our government will deal with this, as a politics of remembrance was passed on Dmytry Tabacznyk, an education minister, who is openly pro-Russian. In his case pro-Russian means anti-Polish, which he does not hide. Therefore, I think that we cannot expect anything from the Ukrainian authorities, and this means that the burden of reconciliation lies with society. I remember sharp discussions about Eaglets Cemetery in Lviv, when it seemed that no agreement would ever happen, but in fact it occurred. It has become so, inter alia, through the involvement of the churches in this matter, which resulted in an ecumenical prayer on Eaglets Cemetery and at the graves of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen in Lviv.

Now we are preparing something similar in order to commemorate the events in Volhynia, and events in Chełm (about demolishing the Orthodox churches in the 30s of the twentieth century - PAP). We, meaning a group of Ukrainian and Polish public activists. We want to make a symbolic act in these matters. I once again recall Madeleine Albright's known words that reconciliation is like riding a bike; as soon as you stop pedalling you fall to the ground. We must always try to strive for reconciliation. Reconciliation should be a matter of society. I think it's about time for it.

PAP: - How can you explain the deep divisions in Ukrainian society regarding evaluation of the UPA ?

JH: - In theory, information about the UPA was never to be public knowledge, because that was a fundamental policy line of the Soviet Union. There was no talk about UPA, because just mentioning the name of the UPA was then treated as a hidden propaganda of UPA. The same attitude was directed towards hetman Ivan Mazepa or historian and politician Mykhailo Hrushevsky. Those were forbidden topics. In western Ukraine, the memory of the UPA survived because it was part of the family history. It's hard to imagine any inhabitant of Galicia, and Volhynia, which would not be involved in this story one way way or another. Everyone had a brother, uncle or father who was in the UPA and such stories are passed down the family line.

It is also important to know that many people suffered for the real, or imagined by the Soviet authorities, cooperation with the UPA. Many were persecuted by the NKVD, many were sent to Siberia. Dimensions of this phenomenon is difficult to assess, although historians have agreed that in 1946-47 there was virtually no adult male in western Ukraine, who would not be suspected by the NKVD of involvement in the UPA. These family stories only now are coming to light. Another part of the story was developed in the Ukrainian diaspora communities in the West. These stories were written down mostly by UPA members who - of course - created a heroic picture of the formation.

PAP: - However, not everyone in Ukraine have a positive attitude towards the UPA?

JH: - The strongly negative attitude towards UPA has that part of society which is guided by the Soviet version of history, but I would like to emphasize that in this version there is no place for Poland. It is interesting that the Soviet propaganda never used the events in Volhynia as an instrument of struggle against the UPA, or the memory of the UPA. This part of Ukrainian society, declaring the Soviet version of history, considers UPA fighters as bandits, because in their opinion the UPA fought against the Soviet Union, and therefore collaborated with the enemy.

Another argument is that the UPA were the nationalists. The nationalism in eastern and southern Ukraine, is one of the worst words. Just as in western Ukraine there is a negative way of thinking about the communists, in the east and south people think similarly about the nationalists. According to them UPA acted not only against the USSR, but was also in favor of the separation of Ukraine from Russia, which for many people in the East, who work for rapprochement with Russia, is not acceptable. Personal memories have also some impact on how UPA is being received.

After World War II, in order to strengthen the Soviet power in western Ukraine, agitators were sent there, including young women teachers from the east and south of Ukraine. Some of them remained there, however, there were accidents when they were warned by the UPA against such activities, or they were even murdered. To sum up: the east of Ukraine believes that the UPA was "a stab in the back" during the struggle between the USSR and Germany. But I repeat once again: Poland is not present in these stories. Poland is present only in this part of the myth, which relates to western Ukraine, but not in connection with Vohlynia, but with the interwar period, in which Poles oppressed Ukrainians, therefore Ukrainians had the right to oppose them.

PAP: What are the views the Ukrainian youth on the UPA ?

JH: The general trend is that the sharp division between the east and west of Ukraine is blurred among youth. How deep is this division is still under discussion. It is no secret that the children and grandchildren of those who fought on opposite sides of the barricades in 1944 or 1945, often got married. I know such cases, even in my own family. Secondly, for the young people this is only a story that does not cause strong emotions. Research shows that this so-called "generation y", who lives in a global world, with access to the media, to a large extent is more asocial than its predecessors and therefore more ahistorical.

boletus   
6 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Here is a quote of Boletus

And the next quote from Boletus was, more or less: I do no care to discuss my private affairs, but here is a PUBLIC book on internet documenting atrocities committed by UPA both on Polish population and on righteous Ukrainian neighbours.

I already advised you to browse the source I already posted before:
nawolyniu.pl/sprawiedliwi/sprawiedliwi.pdf
You ignored it because that would seem to be to inconvenient to you, right VLAD? Notwithstanding that the book actually shows some Ukrainians in a good light. There you have the realistic stories you ask about. 502 of them. Village by village. In the context of help received from the righteous Ukrainian neighbours. I previously posted some statistic from that book demonstrating how many of them risked their lives, and how many of them were murdered for that in the proces. For your convenience, you will find the table with this statistics on page #20.

So do not play dumb.

In the same time there is no reference for this statement. If they are known by their names there should exist NAME by NAME list of victims.Was it ever published in Internet? If yes, could I get link to it? Or at least there is mention in Internet that this list was ever published in writen form?
If yes, where exactly?

Here is that book again, mister: all 223 pages. With the names of victims - if known, names of the helpers - if known, and the names of Ukrainian helpers murdered by UPA - if known. Many are anonymous. The index itself is about 11 pages long, three columns to the page. There are five pages of sources listed: monographies, chronicles, articles, archives:

In Polish, but I am not going to translate that stuff for you. I'll just make one exception, to show you a typical record (some are short, some are long).

Zamlicze, gmina Chorów, Horochów County, WoÅ‚yÅ„ Voivodship, parish £okacze - a village and an estate, inhabited mostly by Ukrainians.
On July, 11, 1943 a large gang of UPA murdered in both places about 100 Poles, Some local Ukrainians provided help to those who escaped the pogrom. The girls Krystyna Irena Lepko and Janina Gałka found the shelter at Ukrainians Paraska and Maciuczka. Later Lepko was sheltered for a month by Ukrainian Mychaiło Gidzun.

Ukrainian Stepan Stolarczuk saved a three year old daughter of murdered Barański family and brought her up as his own child, even though he already had three children of his own.

At the and of August 1943 the Poles who came back to harvest were attacked again. Several of them were able to escape to £okacze, thanks to the help of the Ukrainians. They were: Krysiakowa with daughter BogusÅ‚awa, Adam Szelestowski and Józef Gruszecki. Some friendly Ukrainians carried them away in night, hidden in hey in the wagons.

"It was almost dark - recalls Bogusława Nowicka nee Krysiak - when a Ukrainian woman came for potatoes and she saw us. She recognized my mom and she signed out to lie down. Later in night she came back with a big pot of milk, bread, head scarves and a blouse for me. She said that we have to run because the Banderas are preparing to search for hiding Poles. In addition, when they buried the dead in the barn, they realized that my mom and I were missing. If they found us in her field they would kill her entire family. [...] Later came her husband and Jan Szelestowski, a son of the woman who saved herself last June from the cowshed set on fire.[...] The Ukrainian led us through the wet meadows. This was the safest road. For the light we had the glow of burning Polish villages"

Source: L. Karłowicz, Ludobójcy i ludzie..., s. 23-25 (relacja Bogusławy Nowickiej z d. Krysiak); W. Siemaszko, E. Siemaszko, Ludobójstwo..., t. 1, s. 148.


Look mister, you came here uninvited, with all that pretences, demands, requests, imagined stereotypes and soviet arguments... And the biggest demand seems to be : WHY DON'T YOU LOVE US? Well, Vlad, even if your were the prettiest Ukrainian girl I will never love you for that simple reason that you have demonstrated your ridiculous attitude here. You started arguments about the movie "With fire and sword", and you started all the discussion about your OUN and UPA. It was not me, I responded to your idiotic defence of your heroes from OUN and UPA.

Last night one Ukrainian man joined me in the local bar and we had nice conversation about the American and Ukrainian elections. I have learned one thing or two from him. Somehow he choose me as his buddy, knowing quite well that I am Polish. I wonder why, VLAD the troll?
boletus   
5 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

So maybe Poles will call them ``Ruthenian Insergent Army`` istead?

Having selective reading problem, no comprehension? I mentioned some Toronto bookstores but I did not say which ones. But since you are such a clever boy, here is your exact answer: that includes both Polish and Ukrainian bookstores. So spare me this advice.

Let me quote you a statement from Wiktor Poliszczuk (1925-2008), of mixed Polish-Ukrainian blood:

In Canada, after the first few months of my stay here I met with almost zoological Ukrainian nationalism, with hatred of all things Polish. Being brought up in the spirit of Ukrainian patriotism, formed by the classical Polish, Ukrainian, Russian, Western European and American literature, I could not agree with such view of the world and the people, therefore, with the full knowledge of that what Bandera people did to the Polish people of Volhynia, I decided to search for materials on Ukrainian nationalism. This topic has consumed me completely, I have been working on it constantly.

/wiki/Wiktor_Poliszczuk

Wiktor Poliszczuk was the author of over 200 papers, books and scientific publications, scientific articles, polemics, reviews, and press releases written in English, Ukrainian and Polish, including five large volumes bearing the title Integral Ukrainian nationalism as a variant of fascism (Toronto, 2003).

Oh, how some ultras from the Ukrainian community in Toronto hated him for that.

For the rest of your post I have only this to say: You construe some statements in your own mind in order to assign their ownership to somebody else. And then you question those statements. Are you arguing with yourself or what?

Take for example this from the other post:

I do not understand how mentally normal person could be very concerned with something that was commited 70 years ago by insignificant, mentally troubled part of entire population and believe that those Nazi collaborators represented all Ukrainians.

What the feck is this? Who said "that those Nazi collaborators represented all Ukrainians"? Go back, find such quote in this thread. I can guarantee that, hard as you might try, you will not find it. It seems that the only "mentally troubled" person is actually you by procuring such stuff.

Do you believe that Ukrainians are genetically predipositioned to kill Poles?Or they are inferior?If not then what is a sense in all those talks?

This is another example of your made up stuff. Nobody believe such trash, but it is exactly you who made it up and who disputes it. Start behaving like an adult, not like adolescent, or a red pioneer. As I said before, I am not exactly pleased with your propaganda.

Try this link - it contains most of the introduction, which should give you a good overview of the book's claims:

Well, Dominika, the ball is still in your court. The link you provided shows only few sample pages, taken out of context, with many pages missing - and most of all - they are not on topic I disputed; namely, supposed cultural exchange between Poland and Myscovy during the first 17-18 centuries A.D. Most of the stuff, which is there deals with the Russian identity issue, arising from 19 century.

The only one little pearl, on topic, I found there was this:

In the 17th century, the first influential imports of Polish Renaissance and Baroque literature.

But this is far cry from "centuries of mutual cultural exchange".
boletus   
5 Nov 2012
Genealogy / Lublin - Looking for Klepacki - Klepadlo - Klepackzi - Blaschik - etc Ancestors [18]

I trust your guidance.

So using the law of succinctness, I'll go with this data:

1. Stanisława Błaszczyk, born 1889-05-08, in KALISZ (German: KALISCH), Wielkopolska (Greater Poland) Voivodship, Poland (German: Prowinz Poznan, Prussia)
The motivation: you mentioned somewhere that she resided in Stary Gostków. The distance between the two is about 87 km by road, and that's close enough for the vicinity argument. The German version might be useful, because until 1914 Kalisz was part of Prussia, and the 19th century documents from there were written either in Polish or in German.

(for Polish pronunciation go here: translate.google.com/#pl/en/kalisz ,then press the little speaker in the left (Polish) pane)

2. Zygmunt Klepacki, born 1879-06-08, in Krasnopol, gmina Krasnopol, Sejny County, Podlaskie Voivodship, NE Poland
The motivation: the statistical distribution of Klepackis in Podlaskie Voivodship, coupled with database of other Klepackis there. Also, I rejected the other two Krasnopols for these reasons:

a. Krasnopol (old name), now Niżankowice (ukr. Нижанковичі), region Stary Sambor, Lwów (Lviv) Province. Apparently, the Krasnopol name was no longer used in 19 c., but Niżankowice

b. Krasnopol, Żytomierz Province, Ukraine - This one is way to far East into the Ukraine, to be in any way connected with Kalisz, Wielkopolska

So, as I suggested before, try to contact Suwałki Archive (I provided the address above) and get the baptism copy of Zygmunt Klepacki.

Regarding arranged marriages. This is not a subject I am very familiar with, but I know that some form of arranged marriages existed in Europe until XX century. Starting from the top: the royal marriages were always a matter of dynastic interests. Brides were chosen in order to set strong ties with other royal families, from abroad. Similarly, noble families tried expand their estates by connecting with other noble families. Among peasantry, the institution of swat and swatka (matchmakers) existed in 19 c. as well. Hard working people did have a leisure time, there were no clubs, movie theaters, and dating in general - with the exception of some occasional local dances perhaps.

The puzzle is the distance between Stary Gostków and Krasnopol. That's 440 km across the country by road, and as the crow flies, more or less. That's a big distance now, and that was a huge distance then - considering mode of transportation and crossing from Prussian to Russian partition. How do the two families knew each other is another puzzle.

Take care. I'll let you know if I find something useful. boletus.
boletus   
5 Nov 2012
Language / Difference between Bieć(Pobieć) and Biegać? [2]

Actually there are three forms:

1. special infinitive form biec (not bieć), imperfective aspect
past: biegłem - present: biegnę - future: będę biegł (alt: będę biec)
Kiedy biegłem do szkoły zobaczyłem dzika.
When I was running to school I saw a wild hog.
Zawodnicy biegli wzdłuż jeziora.
pl.wiktionary.org/wiki/biec

2. special infinitive form pobiec (not pobieć), perfective aspect
past: pobiegłem - PERFECTIVE VERBS DO NOT FORM PRESENT TENSE - future: pobiegnę
Dzieci pobiegły przez pole, by powitać księdza.
Pobiegnij po tatę i powiedz mu, że zepsuł się kran.
pl.wiktionary.org/wiki/pobiec

3. regular infinitive form biegać, imperfective aspect, frequentative aspect
past: biegałem - present: biegam - future: będę biegał (alt: będę biegać)
Biegałem z domu do szkoły każdego dnia.
I ran from home to school every day.
Psy biegały po podwórku i głośno ujadały.
pl.wiktionary.org/wiki/biega%C4%87
boletus   
5 Nov 2012
Genealogy / Lublin - Looking for Klepacki - Klepadlo - Klepackzi - Blaschik - etc Ancestors [18]

To Boletus - or anyone else that might have information -

Before we go any further, please answer this:
was Stanisława Błaszczyk born in KALISZ, Wielkopolska, Greater Poland (Western Poland, South of Konin, SE of Poznań)?
This is what you suggested:

The form states that Stanislawa was born in Kalish (Kaliz?) Poland on May 8th, 1889.

Or was she born in KA£USZ (Kalush) Galicja (Galicia), StanisÅ‚awów Province, today's Ivano-Frankowsk, Western Ukraine - as I suggested for you to check in my old message from Mar 31, 12?

And this is what you seem to refer to now:

(his family in Krasnopol and her family in Kalusz)

You are confusing me now when you say:

From the maps I have examined to see the distance between these families (his family in Krasnopol and her family in Kalusz)

. It seems that you apparently know which places you have in mind. Which Krasnopol? Which Kalish/Kałush? I do not want to speculate further until I got your confirmation.

Take care.
boletus   
4 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Would you summarize that period of the great mutual cultural influence, which I just rejected off hand?

Although I am familiar with some publications from University of Indiana I cannot download those particular files. I am not associated with Athens, Shibbolet or project Muse. The short summaries that I could read do not indicate anything about that early periods I discussed.
boletus   
4 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Just because the two nations had a bloody history of wars and occupations doesn't mean they weren't influenced by each other.

Prove it madam, what you just said; otherwise stop abusing our patience with your naive statements.
boletus   
4 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Well then, we agree. I guess you're just arguing to argue?

No madam, I quoted your contrived statement:

That doesn't mean Polish and Russian writers weren't influenced by each other. Considering they're next door, and have been neighbors for centuries, it would be impossible for no exchange to take place.

That was simply not true. So I corrected you, that's it.
boletus   
4 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

That doesn't mean Polish and Russian writers weren't influenced by each other. Considering they're next door, and have been neighbors for centuries, it would be impossible for no exchange to take place.

What centuries? Since when? Seriously, don't leave us in our blissful ignorance and tell us all about the early Polish-Russian cultural exchanges.

Well, I'll help you a bit ...

Before the 1480, when Muscovite were still under the Mongol yoke of the Golden Horde? Hardly.

During the rule of Ivan III The Great (or Fierce) (1440-1505), who considered himself an heir to the fallen Byzantine Empire and defender of the Orthodox Church? And his second wife Sophia Paleologina (married in 1472), a niece of the last Emperor of Constantinople? This was the time when Russia was opening to the West and inviting western architects and builders to erect its first stone and brick churches and castles.

[For a comparison it was Polish King, Kazimierz III The Great (1310-1370), who managed similar deeds about 150 years before in Poland. He was considered the great builder of Poland, according to the saying: "Zastał Polskę drewnianą, zostawił murowaną". ]

Well, Iwan III was an ambitious man, and he went into two first wars with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania: 1492-1494, 1500-1503. Then his son Vasil III started the third war (1507-1508), and the fourth war (1512-1522). The fifth Lithuanian-Muscovite war (1534-1537) started after Vasil's death, when his son Ivan IV The Terrible was just a three years old boy.Then there were many years of so-called Livonian wars, when Livonia, Denmark, Sweden, Poland-Lithuania and Muscovite were engaged, alliances formed, broken and reformed. Started by Ivan the Terrible in 1568 (Mark 1569 - Union of Lublin, and establishment of Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) and ending in 1583.

Now, considering all of this: where do you see any room whatsoever for the Polish-Muscovite cultural exchange? Should I go on into the 17 century? Time of Troubles (Wielka Smuta, Smutnye vriemia), 1612, Chmielnicki Uprising, Swedish Potop (Deluge), and so on?

Your view of history of Poland is so naive, yet you do not hesitate to share with us your contrived ideas about "centuries old" cultural exchanges between Poland and Russia. Russian literature of XV-XVII, from the reunification period, was mostly devoted to glorification of Muscovite history and to various chronicles. As such, it were completely inconsequential to the Polish culture.

In Poland, chronicles written in Latin (XII c - XV c) were already well known and popular; first poems, and songs written in Polish appeared in the same period; religious texts, such as sermons, translations of Old Testament to Polish or musical codex; first codification of Polish Law (£aski Statuses, 1505) are also from that period. Poland already had its Renaissance poets, writers, publicists, professors: Copernicus, Polish-Latin poet Janicki, Rej, Kochanowski, Skarga, Frycz Modrzewski. So as you see: there is nothing common between Russia and Poland of that era, but the wars.

I do not deny the influence of so-called "golden age" (XIX c.) of Russian literature on Polish culture. Aleksander Puszkin, Fiodor Dostojewski, Michaił Lermontow, Lew Tołstoj, Nikołaj Gogol, Aleksandr Nikołajewicz Ostrowski, Iwan Turgieniew, Nikołaj Niekrasow, Wasilij Żukowski, Fiodor Tiutczew, Michaił Sałtykow-Szczedrin, Wissarion Bieliński i Taras Szewczenko (writing in Ukrainian as well).

But for God's sake, take back your naive "centuries of influence".
boletus   
4 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Start by reading up on Mickiewicz, how he was received in St. Petersburg's literary saloons

Just so our foreign friends understand it well, Mickiewicz did not go to St. Petersburg for pleasure, he was rather on a tour organized by the tsarist police:

In 1823 he was arrested, investigated for his political activities, specifically his membership in the Philomaths society, and in 1824 banished to central Russia.

his Crimean Sonnets, and how Russian writers were in turn influenced by him, and his views of Pushkin, who greatly admired him.

That's partially true. But most of it is just exaggeration. Much of what was said in the past about the friendship and mutual influence of these two poets was coloured by the politics of Communism ("Long live the fraternal love between Soviet Union and Polish People's Republic") and in the distant past - between a subdued nation and a nation doing the subduing. In the case of the latter, it did not cost much to pat the Poles on the back and show some patronizing attitude: as Mickiewicz was often being shown as a kind of a backdrop for the great Pushkin.

Much what was said about their eye to eye communication looks quite apocryphal and it does not make much sense when viewed from afar in the historical context.

Much what was written by the two poets shows how different they actually were: Mickiewicz, a romantic hapless revolutionary and Pushkin - less hysterically patriotic and actually the tsarist apologist. After all Pushkin committed three anti-Polish poems about the Russian military response to the 1830-31 Polish Uprising, which seemed starkly to contradict the ideals of poetry which scholars typically emphasize in both poets.

The "trilogy" includes the poems "Before the Sacred Tomb" ("Pered grobnitseiu sviatoi"), "To the Calumniators of Russia" ("Klevetnikam Rossii"), and "The Anniversary of Borodino" ("Borodinskaia godovshchina");...

Friends of Pushkin such as Viazemskii and the Turgenev brothers were horrified by the poem's jingoism. In them Pushkin asserts that Russia is within its rights to crush the romantic resistance of Poles to their fated rulers; the image of all Slavic rivers flowing into the Russian sea in "To the Calumniators of Russia" makes this clear ("slavianskie l′ ruch′i sol′iutsia v russkom more")....

Mickiewicz may have responded to these poems in his poem published in 1833, "To My Muscovite Friends" ("Do Przyjaciół Moskali") in which he reproaches those Russian poets who betrayed their Decembrist brothers in arms by remaining loyal to the tsar and taking payment for praising his victories. Pushkin may in turn have "responded" in his own poem of 1834, "He lived among us..." ("On mezhdu nami zhil") in which he reproaches Mickiewicz for giving in to the unruly crowd (buinaia chern′) of Polish émigrés in Europe.

Pushkin's own comments in letters to friends during the Polish Uprising of 1830-31 contributed to the picture of Mickiewicz as more "hysterical." Pushkin wrote to Sofia Khitrovo in December 1830 that "the love of country, such as it can exist in a Polish soul, has always been a funereal sentiment. Just look at their poet Mickiewicz."This cool assessment of Polish romanticism resonates with Pushkin's comment to Viazemskii in June 1831 about the length of the fighting and Poland's dramatic resistance: "All this is very well in a poetic sense. Nevertheless we must stifle them, and our delay is unbearable."

So much for the eternal friendship... :-)

pushkiniana.org/vol-4-articles--/227-dixon-article04.html
boletus   
4 Nov 2012
Language / Polish past tense of chodzic/ jezdzic? [23]

Well, you are right; and they have Chinese takeaway food:

Chińska kuchnia : na miejscu i na wynos
Wok Marvell oferuje wok - najlepsze jedzenie na dowóz
Woo To Go - Kuchnia chińska i tajska na miejscu i na wynos
Jedzenie na telefon, zamówienia na wynos
Oferujemy jedzenie na wynos
Dragon Box – chiÅ„skie jedzenie z dowozem na telefon
Bar chiński - dostawa na telefon
Chińskie żarcie na telefon.
boletus   
3 Nov 2012
History / Polish relation about Russians, Ukrainians? [281]

Still doesn't change the fact that there are no Slavs, outside of the immigrant community, in Paris.

Well, there were some in the past and there are still some in the present; and you can hardly call them immigrants: Guillaume Apollinaire, Michel and Axel Poniatowski, Elena Poniatowska, Nathalie Kosciusko-Morizet (and many of her famous ancestors), Irène Joliot-Curie, Helène Langevin-Joliot, Pierre Joliot, Ève Curie, Paul Landowski, Louis Mękarski, Philippe Duke of Anjou, Louis Dauphin of France (and a bunch of other children of Maria Leszczyńska and Louis XV), and so on... :-)
boletus   
3 Nov 2012
Language / i don't understand this, "rozmawianO" and "pitO"? [18]

@boletus are you a teacher?

No, god forbid. :-)
I actually knew my grammar the best at the age of 12-13. My mom, who was also my teacher, made sure that most, if not all, of us, knew the difference between "przydawka dopełnieniowa" and "przydawka dzierżawcza". But do not ask me such questions now. I would have to read about it first. :-)

He's the PF Oracle :)

You flatter me sir. :-)
boletus   
2 Nov 2012
Genealogy / Looking for Dziekanczyk family origins and more [6]

Thank you!
Linda

You are welcome.

And one more request, is there anyone who can give me a clue how to pronounce Dziekanczyk? I would hate to be saying wrong! :)

Press this:
translate.google.com/#pl/en/Dzieka%C5%84czyk
then press the speaker icon in the Polish (left) field.
boletus   
2 Nov 2012
Genealogy / Looking for Dziekanczyk family origins and more [6]

Would any of these names point me towards an origin?

Very unlikely. The place of birth or marriage is by far more useful that the surname alone.

The standard database of surnames "Moi Krewni" does not list any Dziekańczyk (with or without acute accent) living in contemporary Poland.

The name seems to be so incredibly rare that there are only four Google records pointing to "dziekańczyk" [with N acute] - three of them related to Rosalia Dziekańczyk (Grugiel) (c.1785 - 1830) on geni, Rozalia Dziekańczyk (Grugiel) (c.1785 - 1830) - Genealogy, geni.com/people/Rozalia-Dzieka%C5%84czyk/6000000012572293398 . Nothing exciting if this was your doing, but a real surprise - if not! :-)

There are only 144 Google records for "Dziekanczyk" [without accent over N]

But because the name is so rare, you might be incredibly lucky. Here what I have found in (Polish) Geneteka database:
Eva Dziekanczyk, born in 1816, Cekcyn, Kuiavian-Pomeranian Voivodship.

Altogether this database shows 5 births of "Dziekanczyk" in early 19th c. in this voivodship (villages Cekcyn and Åšwiekatowo), two deaths (Cekcyn and Byszewo), and four marriages (Cekcyn and Byszewo). That's it. For the entire Poland.

geneteka.genealodzy.pl/index.php?rid=A&from_date=&to_date=&search_lastname=Dzieka%F1czyk&exac=1&rpp2=50&rpp1=0&bdm=&url1=&w=02kp&op=gt

Cekcyn is the picturesque village in the middle of 'Bory Tucholskie' Region. It is located in Tuchola County, just south of Kashubian Region of Gdańsk Pomerania.

You have to realize that this database is under construction, created by hand by volunteers, who scan old parish books page by page. Many of the parishes have not been yet indexed.

The Pomeranian Genealogical Association has this detailed record for Eva Dziekanczyk:
(Parish/Registry Cekcyn) (year 1816) (book 200) (Picture no 0077) (number 44) (Child forename: Eva) (Father's forename: Joannes) (Farther's surname: Dziekanczyk) (Mother's forename: Rosalia) (Mother's surname: Gruglowna)

ptg.gda.pl/index.php/certificate/action/showinfo/parishId/42
Some explanations: Given names in parish books used to be written in Latinized forms; hence Eva rather than Polish Ewa, or Johannes rather than Polish Jan, Rosalia rather than Rozalia.

Gruglowna, or rather Gruglówna, or more correctly Grugelówna is a maiden version of the surname Grugel. Grugielówna would stem from Grugiel. Spelling aside, it looks like this is the right record.

There is a parish in Cekcyn, but since its church was built in 1869, no records of Eva (Ewa) Dziekanczyk would be there. But, if they exist, they must be somewhere in national archives, or in some catholic hierarchy archive. And indeed, the PTG (Pomeranian Genealogical Association) points out to the source of the record we found, ptg.gda.pl/index.php/certificate/action/showinfo :

It is a book of baptisms #200, covering the years 1802-1834, indexed by the volunteer Jan Kontek, source stored in the Pelplin Diocese Archive.

Archiwum Diecezjalne w Pelplinie
The Diocesan Archive in Pelplin
ul. Biskupa Dominika 11
83-130 Pelplin
Phone: (+48) (58) 536 12 21; (+48) (58) 536 12 22
Fax (+48) (58) 536 16 99

archiwum@pelplin.diecezja.org
pelplin.diecezja.org/diecezja-en