I do not read Polish well enough to do work reading all of it, and I do not argue that everything writen there is holy truth, but if I no
make mistake it contains only dozens of some Ukrainian names who according to author saved Poles.
Look, VLAD, the table in the page 20 is based only on this book, not anything else. And this book is very selective - it only lists those events, where some Ukrainians have shown some mercy or help, however small that would be. In other words, it does not list any events where no such help was offered. As such it shows the numbers which are under-estimated more or less 10 times.
So the last entry in that table is a total summary from all 502 villages, in all 7 voivodships from Wolhynia, Eastern Galicia and Western Galicia (Rzeszów and Lublin), mentioned in this book:
Killed: 18 829
Acts of help: 882
Saved: 2 527
Savers: 1 341
Savers known by name: 896
Savers murdered for helping: 384
So no, VLAD, no matter how you read that table it lists way more than only "dozens of some Ukrainian names who according to author saved Poles."
But what I would be glad to see is NAME by NAME list of those many tens of thousand Poles who where kiled.Wikipedia states that such list suppose to exist.It would be perfect also if this list I mentioned has reference to government research team.
I tried to stay away from posting all what I know about all atrocities. I tried to keep it quiet, not to get it inflamed. But you evidently ask for it. So I might as well satisfy your wishes when I find some time.
Also I would be glad to know when grieving relatives or Polish government opened the first memorial to all those innocent victims.
I am not sure I understand you here, but there have been some acts of formal reconciliation, usually on the local level.
But you may want to see an Interview with a Ukrainian historian prof. Jarosław Hrycak with Polish Press Agency (PAP). On October, 14 there was the 70th anniversary of establishment of UPA (Ukrainian Insurgent Army). This is partially for your education, and partially for ours, because it reflects the attitudes of various groups of Ukrainians, representing views similar to VLAD's here.
PAP: - Is the Ukrainian society aware of the size of the crimes committed by the UPA on Poles in Volhynia?
Jaroslaw Hrycak: - No, there is no such awareness. There are two reasons for this. First, half of Ukrainians do not know anything about the events in Volhynia. These are the data from the surveys of 2003, carried out during the discussion that took place on this time in Poland and Ukraine. It turned out that virtually no one in the east and south of Ukraine, and to a large extent in the center of the country, knew of the past events there.
This shows the level of amnesia in the Ukrainian society. Those who know what it was, keep in their mind the heroic image of the UPA. In this picture there is no place for the UPA as a party that could commit murders, which could be to blame. and it is - let's call it - a great story. In this great story there are little stories in which nobody talks about the UPA actions against the Poles, Jews, or even Ukrainians with different political views.
PAP: - Are Ukrainian historians in agreement with the Polish estimates of the number of victims?
JH: - Most disagree - believing that these estimates are exaggerated. Serious historians believe that there is no chance, no need to compare the number of victims, since there were a lot more of them on the Polish than on the Ukrainian side. However, there is skepticism about the scientific "inflation" of the Polish estimates, which - I stress it here - has nothing to do with the evaluation of the phenomenon itself.
PAP: - Is it possible to have the joint Polish-Ukrainian memory for that period?
JH - I think it's possible, but it is a matter of action. There are groups on both sides who aim at reconciliation. There was some motion in this direction in 2003. There was a symbolic reconciliation in Volhynia with Polish and Ukrainian presidents, Aleksander Kwasniewski and Leonid Kuchma, attending. But the problem was that it was a reconciliation with the participation of heads of state, not society. Journalists wrote about "The reconciliation behind the cordons of the militia". Behind these cordons stood the people who were against reconciliation, believing that it was degrading.
Today, I see even less chance that our government will deal with this, as a politics of remembrance was passed on Dmytry Tabacznyk, an education minister, who is openly pro-Russian. In his case pro-Russian means anti-Polish, which he does not hide. Therefore, I think that we cannot expect anything from the Ukrainian authorities, and this means that the burden of reconciliation lies with society. I remember sharp discussions about Eaglets Cemetery in Lviv, when it seemed that no agreement would ever happen, but in fact it occurred. It has become so, inter alia, through the involvement of the churches in this matter, which resulted in an ecumenical prayer on Eaglets Cemetery and at the graves of Ukrainian Sich Riflemen in Lviv.
Now we are preparing something similar in order to commemorate the events in Volhynia, and events in Chełm (about demolishing the Orthodox churches in the 30s of the twentieth century - PAP). We, meaning a group of Ukrainian and Polish public activists. We want to make a symbolic act in these matters. I once again recall Madeleine Albright's known words that reconciliation is like riding a bike; as soon as you stop pedalling you fall to the ground. We must always try to strive for reconciliation. Reconciliation should be a matter of society. I think it's about time for it.
PAP: - How can you explain the deep divisions in Ukrainian society regarding evaluation of the UPA ?
JH: - In theory, information about the UPA was never to be public knowledge, because that was a fundamental policy line of the Soviet Union. There was no talk about UPA, because just mentioning the name of the UPA was then treated as a hidden propaganda of UPA. The same attitude was directed towards hetman Ivan Mazepa or historian and politician Mykhailo Hrushevsky. Those were forbidden topics. In western Ukraine, the memory of the UPA survived because it was part of the family history. It's hard to imagine any inhabitant of Galicia, and Volhynia, which would not be involved in this story one way way or another. Everyone had a brother, uncle or father who was in the UPA and such stories are passed down the family line.
It is also important to know that many people suffered for the real, or imagined by the Soviet authorities, cooperation with the UPA. Many were persecuted by the NKVD, many were sent to Siberia. Dimensions of this phenomenon is difficult to assess, although historians have agreed that in 1946-47 there was virtually no adult male in western Ukraine, who would not be suspected by the NKVD of involvement in the UPA. These family stories only now are coming to light. Another part of the story was developed in the Ukrainian diaspora communities in the West. These stories were written down mostly by UPA members who - of course - created a heroic picture of the formation.
PAP: - However, not everyone in Ukraine have a positive attitude towards the UPA?
JH: - The strongly negative attitude towards UPA has that part of society which is guided by the Soviet version of history, but I would like to emphasize that in this version there is no place for Poland. It is interesting that the Soviet propaganda never used the events in Volhynia as an instrument of struggle against the UPA, or the memory of the UPA. This part of Ukrainian society, declaring the Soviet version of history, considers UPA fighters as bandits, because in their opinion the UPA fought against the Soviet Union, and therefore collaborated with the enemy.
Another argument is that the UPA were the nationalists. The nationalism in eastern and southern Ukraine, is one of the worst words. Just as in western Ukraine there is a negative way of thinking about the communists, in the east and south people think similarly about the nationalists. According to them UPA acted not only against the USSR, but was also in favor of the separation of Ukraine from Russia, which for many people in the East, who work for rapprochement with Russia, is not acceptable. Personal memories have also some impact on how UPA is being received.
After World War II, in order to strengthen the Soviet power in western Ukraine, agitators were sent there, including young women teachers from the east and south of Ukraine. Some of them remained there, however, there were accidents when they were warned by the UPA against such activities, or they were even murdered. To sum up: the east of Ukraine believes that the UPA was "a stab in the back" during the struggle between the USSR and Germany. But I repeat once again: Poland is not present in these stories. Poland is present only in this part of the myth, which relates to western Ukraine, but not in connection with Vohlynia, but with the interwar period, in which Poles oppressed Ukrainians, therefore Ukrainians had the right to oppose them.
PAP: What are the views the Ukrainian youth on the UPA ?
JH: The general trend is that the sharp division between the east and west of Ukraine is blurred among youth. How deep is this division is still under discussion. It is no secret that the children and grandchildren of those who fought on opposite sides of the barricades in 1944 or 1945, often got married. I know such cases, even in my own family. Secondly, for the young people this is only a story that does not cause strong emotions. Research shows that this so-called "generation y", who lives in a global world, with access to the media, to a large extent is more asocial than its predecessors and therefore more ahistorical.